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Still Global Leaders, U. Doubling Down, China is Intent on Becoming a Semiconductor Superpower China has long prioritized the development of its technology sector with goals of digital self-reliance and primacy that officials contend will foster self-sustaining growth through domestic consumer spending.

The factory produces equipment for Toshiba, Matsushita and other international brands. Tech Radar. What Xi Jinping Wants. Chinese president on relations with Taiwan [YouTube Video]. Business Today. Sydney Morning Herald. Trump bars Chinese-backed firm from buying U. Semiconductors are a weapon in the US-China trade war. Can this chipmaker serve both sides? Signaling policy continuity: US declassifies files on Indo-Pacific.

Coronavirus: Implications for semiconductor demand. China Keeps Inching Closer to Taiwan. Foreign Policy Magazine. Taiwan-Biden ties off to strong start with invite for top diplomat. The Chip Wars of the 21st Century. War on the Rocks. Samsung will stop supplying Huawei with phone chips amid US sanctions.

China made more chips in , but also imported more. South China Morning Post. New Rules Restrict U. New York Times. Semiconductors at the heart of US-China tech war. Hinrich Foundation.

China Digital Times. Asia Times. GlobeNewswire Newsroom. IC Insights. Global Times. Harvard Business Review. Mainland hackers attacked government agencies to steal data, Taiwan says. Light Reading. TSMC lost market share 2Q Section of the Trade Act of Congressional Research Service. Taiwan: Political and Security Issues. China Copyright and Media. The chip that changed the world. Wall Street Journal. The Emerging Markets Investor. Foreign Affairs.

Made in China Implications for Foreign Businesses. China Briefing News. Ensuring long term U. Policy Review. American Institute in Taiwan. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Biden picks longtime China critic Katherine Tai as top U. Canada decides: Trudeau faces heat over handling of China and trade war.

Is Taiwan the Next Hong Kong? Taiwan seeks its own chip equipment sector amid China-US tensions. Fierce Electronics. BBC News. The Diplomat. Trade war forces Chinese chipmaker Fujian Jinhua to halt output. Financial Times. Peterson Institute for International Economics. A Question of Time. Center for Security and Policy Studies.

Semiconductor Industry Association. A brewing U. Voice of America. Foreign Policy. Chips Made in China. Kharpal, A. Semiconductor tech trends favor China. Nikkei Asia. Regaining the Edge in U. Chip Manufacturing.

Semiconductor Engineering. The Intercept. Exclusive: Foxconn to shift some Apple production to Vietnam to minimize China risk. Yahoo Finance. Taiwan says military under pressure from China as missions mount. Center for Strategic and International Studies. Star Market technology board second only to Nasdaq, leads Hong Kong in terms of funds raised amid Chinese stock market euphoria. Machi, V. Electronics Weekly. Huawei: Smartphone chips running out under US sanctions. AP News.

Hudson Institute. Semi industry fab costs limit industry growth. Vietnam Briefing News. Measuring distortions in international markets: The semiconductor value chain.

Office of the United States Trade Representative. PDF Opportunities for the global semiconductor market. Semiconductors in China: Brave new world or same old story? Industry groups sign memorandum on semiconductor equipment production. Taipei Times. Taiwan News. Lawfare Blog. Yahoo News. EE Times Asia. China and the US risk accidental war over Taiwan. Taiwan could become the next flashpoint in the global tech war. Executive Yuan. Journal of International Economic Law, 22 4 , — Cyclical Nature of the Semiconductor Industry.

Why Chinese EDA tools lag behind. IEEE Spectrum. NBC News. How an Interconnected Industry Promotes Innovation. Turning the Tide for Semiconductor Manufacturing in the U. Markets and Markets. Department of Justice.

EE Times. House Committee on Ways and Means Hearing. The semiconductor industry is where politics gets real for Taiwan. Lowy Institute. Taiwan Minister of Economic Affairs. A Balancing Act for a Toxic Relationship. Assessing Chinese maritime power. Defense Priorities. Cybersecurity Intelligence.

Al Jazeera. Focus Taiwan. Morgan Stanley. Supply Chains and Ensure the U. Brookings Institute. EUV Lithography Revisited. Laser Focused World. China Tech Threat. Rest of World. The Geopolitics of Semiconductors. Eurasia Group. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Limited.

Taiwan invests big to create semiconductor hub. Department of Commerce. Policy toward Taiwan: Toward a Stronger U. Foreign Policy Research Institute , January Strategic Framework for the Indo-Pacific. USNI News. Office of the U. Elise Labott. Mel Pavlik. Adam Tooze. Emily Ding. Richard Aboulafia. Nathan Levine. Chibuihe Obi Achimba. Eusebius McKaiser.

Benjamin Hebblethwaite. Caroline de Gruyter. Benjamin Haddad , Damir Marusic. Sumit Ganguly. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights in was little more than a hopeful signpost, with no capacity for enforcement. The move towards greater consensus on the value of human rights, and indeed liberal democracy, since means that if powerful states are prepared to sponsor change, it might begin to have more prac- tical meaning — as arguably it has already begun to do.

To some degree all states will have to take on board new considerations and obligations as they formulate foreign policy, but for many of them, having just become used to the notion of sovereignty, it will be disconcerting to see new principles introduced in parallel. This is particularly true of regimes in new states, which are often the most passionate defenders of independence and non-intervention.

In either case, domestic society would become more exposed to external developments, with potentially significant consequences for the citizenry.

As the external environment becomes more complicated, with law, organizations and transnational human rights groups all protruding more into states, or engaging their support, so foreign policy will be a more critical site for political decision-making, not less. The changes in the international context described above — themselves with longer roots than just the past ten years — represent the current challenges.

As I have argued, none of them poses the kind of threat to the very purpose and existence of foreign policy which is often rather unthinkingly assumed.

Each of them, however, is having a significant impact on the nature of contemporary foreign policy, on its relationship with domestic society and on the means by which it is conducted. The details of these changes — and the elements of continuity — will become clear in the chapters which follow.

Beneath the detail, however, lie certain key questions, theoretical and practical, which provide the rationale for the book as a whole. In theoretical terms the main issue FPA faces is whether foreign policy remains a key site of agency in international relations, or whether it is being steadily emptied of content.

This in turn depends on views about the nature of agency and its relationship to structures in world politics. Part of the answer may be given through theorizing the state, evidently still a major source of political life, but not all of it. The state is one of a variety of different international actors, whose positions relative to each other and to structures need to be traced.

If they do, then it follows that they will need some form of means of coping with the particularities of the foreign.

But if the environments are blurring into each other so as to become functionally indistinguishable, do they not need to integrate policies and mechanisms accordingly? If we do con- clude that inside is not the same as outside, and in particular that policy-makers have to operate in differing kinds of environment, does this mean that everything which a system projects outwards is foreign policy? Yet, as with other large political concepts such as democracy, analysis and definitions are in a constant dialectical relation with each other.

This means that no position on the relationship of external relations to foreign policy will convince until the problem has been broken down into its component parts — as it will be in subsequent chapters through the discussions of bureaucratic politics, transnational relations and domestic society. Finally, Foreign Policy Analysis must also face the normative issues which its positivist roots have tended to obscure.

If it is an area of seri- ous enquiry then it must confront — if not be dominated by — the possi- bility that it might contain built-in normative biases. More prosaically, it just might not address certain important value-based questions. It is certainly true that many of the interesting questions about foreign policy are not technical but involve issues of value or principle. One such is how far foreign policy may be effectively harnessed to an ethi- cal cause, without damaging other legitimate goals.

Another is the long- debated issue of how far foreign policy can or should be accountable to citizens who are probably ignorant of the issues but who may ultimately be asked to die in its name. The tension between efficiency and democ- racy, and the need to trade them off, is particularly sharp here.

Although states vary in what they can do, and view the matter through the lens of self-interest, this is a perpetual ethical challenge for every foreign policy. This brings us to the practical questions facing Foreign Policy Analysis. The first links theory to practice by asking what expectations is it reasonable for citizens to have of policy-makers, and for policy- makers to have of themselves? How much of what may be deemed desirable is also feasible?

There are naturally limits to the extent to which a general answer can be given, but it must surely be the task of any analyst to clarify the nature of action in relation to the outside world by relating the complexity of the environment to the needs and circum- stances of particular actors.

On that basis realistic expectations may be constructed about both instrumental gains and shared responsibilities. Only by analysing actors and their milieux in conjunction can this be done. How far can we generalize about foreign policy? The assumption of this book is that there are many common features and dilemmas which can be anatomized. Yet states clearly vary enormously in size, power and internal composition, to say nothing of non-state actors.

Indeed, the United States shows few signs of angst about whether foreign policy exists or counts in the world, unlike the middle-range states. It is revealing that in the American study of International Relations, the state and its power is still a central theme, whether through the successful policy journals like Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy, or through the dominant academic school of neo-realism.

Globalization theory, and constructivism, which tend to stress the impact of international structures, have made far less ground than in Europe, or neighbouring Canada.

Where you sit really does influence what you see. Even the USA has to cope with limitations on its freedom of action, despite its apparent hegemony after It is also just as subject to decision-making pathologies, and to ends—means problems as any other actor. What is more, the interpenetration of foreign with domestic politics is universal, and varies only in degree.

Different soci- eties, perhaps different kinds of society, produce different sorts of domestic input into foreign policy, including conceptions of a desirable world and expectations about what can be done to improve it.

It is commonplace to observe that the United States, for example, has con- sistently believed that its own values should be exported, whereas China has never felt the need to proselytize, despite its own conviction of superiority. The nature of variation and the possible links to foreign pol- icy are themselves things to be charted, whether between democracies and autocracies, rich states and poor, ancient cultures and new states engaged in nation-building. The principal practical challenge for any foreign policy analyst should be to make transparent and help spread to a wider public the often arcane processes of foreign policy-making.

In the present envi- ronment that means debating the evolving character of foreign policy — is it more than what foreign ministries do? As any specialist knows, the answers to these questions are by no means always close to those which even an intelligent reader of a good newspaper might infer.

In particular, FPA has the capacity to indicate the extent to which the nature of the decision-making process deter- mines the outcomes of foreign policy, in terms of both the intrinsic qual- ity of a decision and its effective implementation. Too often public discussion oscillates between fatalism about the impossibility of affect- ing international affairs, and the personalization of policy through the high expectations held of individual leaders. Argument and Structure In summary, the study of foreign policy faces perpetual challenges of both an intellectual and practical kind, as with any branch of social science.

Equally, the exponents of foreign policy have to cope with a confusing, mixed-actor international environment where obstacles and opportunities are by no means clearly delineated. Lastly, citizens face a mass of events, information and competing interpretations which leave many confused. It is the task of FPA to try to resolve some of this con- fusion by clarifying basic concepts as well as by showing how agency may be understood in the modern world. This does not mean either reasserting traditional notions of the primacy of foreign policy, or accepting the common tendency to downgrade states and their interna- tional relations.

The challenge is to reconstitute the idea of political agency in world affairs, and to rethink the relationship between agency and foreign policy. Accordingly this book has begun with an examination of where for- eign policy stands, in the world and in the academy. It continues with a more detailed discussion of the politics of foreign policy — that is, the problem of acting in international affairs, through the state and other actors, and of balancing the competing pressures and expectations which beset any foreign policy-maker.

In the main body of the book the argument is divided into three sec- tions. These actors do not always manage to achieve unity of purpose. This is seen in classical terms as providing opportunities for initiating change and for promoting particular concerns, as well as constraints on what can be done.

A crucial theme will be the limits to determinism: that is, states and other decision-generating entities always possess the suicide option, or the capacity to fly in the face of pressures to be real- istic. They may take this option only rarely, but its very existence helps to define what it is to be an actor.

This Waltzian perspective need not, however, be treated in a Waltzian way. The second chapter in this section deals with the extent to which such choices have become complicated by transnational forces which might simultaneously be making geography less significant and undermining the sense of a distinctive community. The third and last part of the book picks up on one further possible consequence of transnationalism, namely that it might have a solvent effect on the separate community which a given foreign policy is sup- posed to serve.

Foreign policy is about mediating the two-way flow between internal and external dynamics. An attempt is made to grapple with the issue of comparative foreign pol- icy studies, of how far certain kinds of society produce distinctive kinds of foreign policy. The second chapter in this section deals with the basic problem of democratic communities in international relations: that is, how to reconcile the need for freedom of action in dealings with intractable outsiders with the requirements of popular consent and parliamentary scrutiny.

It considers whether foreign policy in modern conditions can deliver what is expected of it, whether by citizens, decision-makers or academ- ics. It argues that meaningful and intentional actions are still possible under the heading of foreign policy so long as they are based on a good understanding not just of external constraints but also of the various kinds of interpenetration to be found between structures at home and abroad, and of the limits of unilateralism.

Fred Halliday has argued that FPA needs to develop a theory of the state which connects its inherent functions with those of external action without falling back on realism, and this is an important next step.

It can be done partly in terms of the way the twin needs of democracy and efficiency are played out in the international context.